July 21, Kathmandu. The statement and activities of the outgoing Chief Minister of Gandaki Pradesh Prithvi Subba Gurung have brought a big wave while the initiative is being taken to unite the CPN-UML. He suggested that the crisis in national politics is resolved through UML unity and that Chairman KP Sharma Oli should be ready to share power with senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal to preserve unity.
He did not come into the limelight just because even leaders close to Madhav Nepal made unsolicited proposals. Instead, it is because Chairman Oli dared to hold a different opinion even though he was close to him. Gurung goes on to argue, "KP Oli and Madhav Nepal are not the only ones who have formed the UML." In other words, he says that he is also involved in the construction of the UML along with the entire cadre ranks.
Gurung Oli, who came to the capital from Pokhara to preserve party unity, is not in the task force formed by Nepal, nor is he a member of the bilateral informal dialogue. But they are adamant about the proposal to preserve unity. At the Baluwatar meeting on July 29, he put forward his proposal with Chairman Oli.
However, even the leaders of the UML, who are in informal dialogue to preserve unity, cannot use words to annoy Prime Minister Oli. For example, on 19 July, Bishnu Prasad Poudel expressed that Madhav Nepal did not want unity. In the informal talks, Poudel said, "He (Madhav Nepal) expressed reluctance to meet the Prime Minister. All right, we got up to discuss. ' But on the same day, there was a long dialogue between Oli and Nepal. Lately, leaders close to Oli have been trying hard to make a statement - unity except for Madhav Nepal.
But such a desire is not personal to the leaders close to Oli who are active in uniting the party. 'Without Madhav Nepal, there can be no unity. That is why it is taking time, 'says a leader close to Oli. But not only the public expression of unity with Madhav Nepal but also the leaders close to Oli do not have the courage to reveal their names in such a proposal.
However, there is no consensus on the major decisions that Oli has taken for a year as prime minister and chairman. "KP Oli's personality and height are so great that no one can move forward with a different opinion," said the leader close to Oli. After all, leaders close to Oli were concerned about the ordinances, including the split of the party, the decision to dissolve the parliament and make the Madhav Nepal group roleless. But he did not show the ability to speak in public and stop Chairman Oli.
Hard to speak!
Former Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) and now some UML leaders believe that the political crisis is protracted as leaders close to Oli do not have the capacity to persuade him. Oli, a UML leader from other groups, said, "Even if there were leaders who could explain KP Oli a little, the UML would be united now." According to the leaders, the basis for UML unity had been laid in informal discussions after the first week of July.
According to sources, the Madhav group had agreed to be ready for additional numbers while maintaining the party structure on June 20, 2075, BS and the Oli group would be flexible in signing the case under consideration in the court. According to the agreement, the Madhav group agreed to accept the Maoist leaders added by Chairman Oli and the central members added during the CPN (Maoist). At the same time, it was agreed that the Oli group would remain silent on the signatures of the leaders of the Madhav group during the dissolution of the House of Representatives on June 22 and that the Oli group would be ready to form a common opinion after the court's decision.
Surendra Pandey, a leader close to Madhav Nepal, said that an agreement on party unity had been reached in public after this. But none of the leaders of the Oli group spoke. On the contrary, the meeting was held in the absence of the leaders of the Madhav group (Standing Committee on 13th and 15th June, Tenth General Convention Organizing Committee on 16th June and Central Committee on 18th and 19th June). Prime Minister Oli said that the UML would not be able to withdraw its signature until the court rules.
Even though the Madhav group concluded that the atmosphere of unity has deteriorated, the informal dialogue has not stopped. In other words, even the leaders close to Oli, who is active in maintaining unity, do not want to see the situation divided. But they cannot speak in favour of unity.
Leaders close to Oli have a series of such destinies. For example, before the dissolution of the House of Representatives on December 19, former CPN (Maoist) parliamentary party deputy leader Subash Nemwang had been arguing that the constitution would not give the prime minister the right to dissolve parliament. But when the CPN (Maoist) dispute escalated, the prime minister dissolved parliament. After the dissolution of the parliament using the power, not in the constitution, Nemwang, who is the chairperson of the Constituent Assembly, was criticized for remaining silent. But he did not speak. Nemwang finally opened his mouth on 23rd December. He told Unlikekhbar, "I cannot comment as the issue related to the dissolution of the parliament is under consideration in the Supreme Court." You ask JJ about this the day after the court decides. I will talk about everything. '
But he has never said that dissolving parliament is unconstitutional. Instead, Nemwang said, "I will speak only after the court's verdict." Addressing a rally in Itahari, he said, "I will not speak. The Hon'ble Prime Minister has said, 'Where to go in a democracy without going among the people?' The Prime Minister is 100 percent confident. I have a lot of faith in the Prime Minister. '
Three days later (February 11), Parliament was reconstituted. Even after this, Prime Minister Oli's move did not stop, he continued to speak in defence of close leaders. As the leaders are now taking initiative in the effort of UML unity, the feeling and need for party unity were heard after the decision to dissolve the CPN (Maoist) and revive the UML and UCPN (M) centre on 23 February.
After the Supreme Court's decision, Bishnu Prasad Poudel's response was, 'He (KP Oli) is the chairman of the CPN-UML. The CPN (Maoist) is no more. Now I have also become the Deputy Secretary-General. ' Poudel did not repeat the statement made by the court decision that the UML, which stood on both sides during the CPN (Maoist) split, was brought together. Instead, on 28 February, Oli decided to dissolve the leadership elected from the Ninth General Convention and amend the constitution to make the leaders of the Madhav group roleless. While the informal dialogue between the two sides of the UML had already begun.
Standing up for any decision taken by President Oli, but failing to reconsider his decision based on logic and facts, is having an impact on the country and national politics. While Oli himself has to bear the loss in one decision after another. Oli brought an ordinance on party split and constitutional council on 8 April 2077. He returned in three days.
The House of Representatives was dissolved on 5 December and re-established on 11 February. Prime Minister Oli has been in the extreme minority since the UML lost the state government as a result of taking action, expelling and banning the Madhav group. When he became the Prime Minister on March 20, 2074, Oli had 76 percent support from the parliament. However, when the vote of confidence was taken on 27 April, Oli could not get all the votes of UML (121 MPs). On that day, he received 33 percent of the vote (93 MPs) and resigned from the post of Prime Minister.
However, after meeting Madhav Nepal on 30 April, a 'gentlemanly agreement' was reached and an opposition government could not be formed as per Article 76 (2) of the Constitution. Oli again became the Prime Minister as the leader of a major party under Article 76 (3). No agreement was reached with the Madhav group. Instead, Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP) Chairman Mahanta Thakur, in collusion with the party, paved the way for the dissolution of the parliament on 7 May. The Prime Minister joined President Vidyadevi Bhandari in dissolving the parliament for the second time. But this issue is also pending in court.
Not only will the government decisions made through ordinances and the political decisions made by the party meetings alone be reversed one after the other, but the country is also facing a constitutional and political crisis. But Prime Minister Oli has not been formally heard from leaders close to him trying to explain the damage.
On the contrary, many examples have been heard in public, but when Prime Minister Oli came forward, the situation became different. For example, Education Minister Krishna Gopal Shrestha was accused of encouraging caste discrimination. Leaders of the Dalit community near Oli prepared to take a serious proposal in this regard. There was a proposal to be presented at the Baluwatar meeting on 16 July: either Dalits will not be present at the meeting or Minister Krishna Gopal Shrestha.
When the meeting began, Chhavilal Vishwakarma sat next to Prime Minister Oli. On behalf of the Ethnic Liberation Oppressed Society, Jagat Bahadur Bishwakarma formally demanded the resignation of Minister Shrestha, but the Prime Minister did not respond. Instead, the same Shrestha was given the responsibility of four more ministries.
Silence is losing faith
Many of the leaders who supported him from the ninth general convention have left Oli. Leaders including Bamdev Gautam, Mukunda Neupane and Pradip Nepal, who played an important role in the formation of the UML party and supported Oli to become the party president, have left. However, leaders like Ishwar Pokhrel, Subash Nemwang, Bishnu Prasad Poudel, Shankar Pokhrel, Pradip Gyawali, Prithvi Subba Gurung, Kiran Gurung, Chhavilal Bishwakarma, Vishnu Rimal, Satyanarayana Mandal and Raghuvir Mahaseth are with Oli.
But these leaders have been criticized for their silence on every decision made by President Oli. These leaders have been questioned in connection with the two-time dissolution of the parliament, the appointments made through the ordinances related to the Constitutional Council and the decisions taken to strengthen the party.
Moreover, Ram Bahadur Thapa Badal, Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, Lekhraj Bhatt, Mani Thapa and Prabhu Sah, who left Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, are also with Oli. While the leaders who have been together since the underground days of the Panchayat have not been able to have a different opinion, it is natural that the newly formed UML has not shown such ability. 'He (KP Oli) has a habit of not listening to anyone. We chose Oli because he was better than Prachanda, 'says a former Maoist leader who supported Oli.
